\u00d6zellikle 11 Eyl\u00fcl 2001\u2019denberi \u00a0Allah\u2019\u0131n her g\u00fcn\u00fc Bat\u0131 Medyas\u0131\u2019nda \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130slamc\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ter\u00f6rist, \u0130slami militant, \u0130slami fundamentalist, radikal m\u00fcsl\u00fcman, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 dinci<\/em> gibi neseb-i gayr-i sahih\u00a0 kelimeler boy g\u00f6steriyor; \u00fcstelik, okurda menfi tedailer uyand\u0131ran bu kullan\u0131mlar\u0131n anlamlar\u0131 tam olarak da bilinmeden!… Bat\u0131da ortalama bir okur, \u0130slamist ile m\u00fcsl\u00fcman aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 bilmekten \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131r. Medyada, \u0130slamist kelimesinin sunumu menfidir.<\/p>\n Muhtelif tarifleri ve tavsifleri olan \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k kavram\u0131, sadece hakk\u0131nda en \u00e7ok konu\u015fulan kavramlardan de\u011fil; en netamelilerinden de\u2026 Evet, hem T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hem d\u00fcnya genelinde \u0130slam, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k <\/em>ve \u0130slamc\u0131<\/em> kelimeleri aras\u0131ndaki anlam farklar\u0131 gittik\u00e7e flula\u015f\u0131yor, karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015f\u0131yor.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n \u015eimdi de, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, gerek Ulusalc\u0131lar, gerek muhalefet partileri\u00a0 ve gerekse Hizmet Hareketi\u2019nce mevcut siyasal iktidar i\u00e7in c\u00f6mert\u00e7e kullan\u0131lmakta\u2026Son zamanlarda, siyasal iktidar\u0131n \u015fahs\u0131nda, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve \u0130slamc\u0131larla ilgili en sert ele\u015ftiriler, \u00f6zellikle Hizmet Hareketi taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lmakta\u2026AKP zihniyetinin \u0130slami de\u011ferleri suistimal ederek\u00a0 nemaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde Hizmet.<\/p>\n Bu konular, son zamanlarda ilgi alan\u0131m\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Hizmet Hareketi\u2019nin kurucu lideri Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir kap\u0131 aralamak istiyorum; baz\u0131 \u015feyler baz\u0131 kimseler i\u00e7in malum ve tekrar olsa bile…<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve yorumu hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ana hatlar\u0131yla malum \u2013 ki bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n da konusunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda\u2026 Bununla birlikte, onun \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ile ilgili g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini, bir ka\u00e7 makale d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, tam bir vuzuh ve vukufla ortaya koyan bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hen\u00fcz yok! Hadd-i zat\u0131nda, okumakta oldu\u011funuz bu yaz\u0131 da b\u00f6yle bir iddiadan uzak.<\/p>\n \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130slami d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi, kimlikleri, tecr\u00fcbeyi, m\u00fccadeleyi, davay\u0131, hareketleri\u2026 umumen ihtiva eden \u015femsiye bir terim. 17-25 Aral\u0131k 2013 S\u00fcrecinden beri daha \u201cindirgemeci\u201d bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla ele al\u0131n\u0131yor. Uzmanlar\u0131 hari\u00e7, ne ele\u015ftirenler, ne de bu s\u0131fat\u0131 can\u00fcg\u00f6n\u00fclden sahiplenenler genel olarak meseleye vak\u0131f de\u011fil… Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kavramla ilgili Bat\u0131 medyas\u0131ndaki m\u00fcphemiyete benzer bir ke\u015fmeke\u015f, \u201cy\u00fczde doksan dokuzu m\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan\u201d T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki\u00a0 medya ve umum halk \u00a0i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli… 17-25 Aral\u0131k S\u00fcrecinde, kendisini Hizmet Hareketi i\u00e7inde g\u00f6ren yazar \u00e7izerlerce \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k kelimesinin anlam\u0131 geni\u015fledi; kavrama yukar\u0131da da bahsi ge\u00e7en imakar<\/em> anlamlar y\u00fcklendi. Ma\u015fallah mahallenin \u201c\u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131\u201d da bu ele\u015ftirilere bolca malzeme sa\u011flamakta hi\u00e7 cimri de\u011filler. Siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 olarak tesmiye olunan bu g\u00fcruhla ‘ilgili yolsuzluk, h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131k ve iltimas\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra cinsel mevzularda da iddialar ayyuka \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7meden \u00f6nce k\u0131saca kavram\u0131n k\u00f6kenini ve tarih\u00e7esini hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m. Literat\u00fcrden, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n belli ve kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f tek bir tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Konunun ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 kimi zaman birbiriyle \u00e7elisen tan\u0131mlar ortaya koyuyor. Bu tan\u0131mlar\u0131n ortak \u00f6zelli\u011finin, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n her\u015feyden \u00f6nce bir siyasal temay\u00fcl ve te\u015fekk\u00fcl<\/strong> oldu\u011fu\u2026<\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, Bat\u0131 tandansl\u0131 bir kavram. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\u2019de, k\u00f6k\u00fc sa\u011flam, ama ekleri sorunlu t\u00fcredi ve emanet bir kelime olarak duruyor. 1970\u2019lerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 siyasal ortam\u0131nda kotar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. Sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131k, solculuk gibi miad\u0131n\u0131 doldurmu\u015f siyasal \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131mlar uyand\u0131r\u0131yor zihinlerde.\u00a0<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Islamism kelimesinin T\u00fcrk\u00e7e kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ger\u00e7ekten sorunlu. \u00a0Bat\u0131da kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekliyle Islamism, Frans\u0131zca Islamist<\/em>e kelimesinden t\u00fcremis.[2]<\/a> \u0130lk kez 18.as\u0131r ortalar\u0131nda Frans\u0131zca\u2019da, \u0130slam dini yerine kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. Frans\u0131zlar, daha \u00f6nceleri \u0130slam dini i\u00e7in Muhammedilik <\/em>kelimesini kullan\u0131yor.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n Muhammet \u00c7etin \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcsl\u00fcman aktivistler aras\u0131nda devrimsel nitelikli bir de\u011fi\u015fim \u00f6neren siyasi motivasyonlu tav\u0131r\u00a0 olarak tan\u0131mlamakta.[4]<\/a>. M\u00fcmtazer T\u00fcrk\u00f6ne\u2019de ise, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, ideolojik arenada bask\u0131n bir pozisyon aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, siyasal ve toplumsal bir proje olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131yor.[5]<\/a> \u00a0\u0130hsan Y\u0131lmaz, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sadece siyasal tedailer \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmakla kalmay\u0131p, politik misyonlar ve ama\u00e7lar da y\u00fcklendi\u011fini; \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, \u0130slam dinini siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekliyle bir enstr\u00fcman ve bir ideoloji haline indirgedi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde.[6]<\/a> \u00a0Y\u0131lmaz, bu nedenle \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n siyasal temsillerine \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131. [7]<\/a>\u00a0 AKP liderli\u011findeki siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 son d\u00f6nemde en y\u00fcksek sesle ele\u015ftirenlerden biri Y\u0131lmaz.<\/p>\n Konunun Bat\u0131l\u0131 akademisyenleri de, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ideolojik ve siyasal boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 \u0131srarla vurgulamakta\u2026. S\u00f6zgelimi Martin Kramer, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n modern bir ideoloji olarak form\u00fcle edildi\u011fi; aynen Bat\u0131\u2019da zuhur eden, Kom\u00fcnizm, Kapitalizm, Sosyalizm gibi ideolojilere bir cevap mahiyetinde te\u015fekk\u00fcl etti\u011fi kan\u0131s\u0131nda.[8]<\/a> Graham Fuller de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ile siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 e\u015fanlaml\u0131 g\u00f6ren Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00f6zlemcilerden.[9]<\/a> \u00a0Martin Kramer, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n Voltaire\u2019den ba\u015flayarak 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131na kadar olan ilk d\u00f6nemlerinde tam da \u0130slam\u2019a e\u015fanlaml\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtse de, ona g\u00f6re terim, sonralar\u0131 modern bir ideoloji olarak kulan\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[10]<\/a> \u00a0John Esposito, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumsal ve siyasal eylemcili\u011fi desteklemek ve anlamland\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla kotar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ideoloji olarak de\u011ferlendiriyor.[11]<\/a> Bu tan\u0131mlarda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan ortak bir kavram var: Eylem<\/em>. Bu, bireysel manadaki ruhi ve manevi deneyimlerden ziyade, toplumsal ve siyasal y\u00f6nleriyle temay\u00fcz eden bir eylem.<\/p>\n Daniel Pipe\u2019a g\u00f6re \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, modern m\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131n modern mesele ve ideolojilere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00fcretti\u011fi bir tav\u0131r, bir cevap…[12]<\/a> Pipes, \u015eeriat\u2019\u0131 \u00a0da \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kalbi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Ona g\u00f6re, bir \u0130slamc\u0131 i\u00e7in en hayati mesele, \u0130slami de\u011ferlere ve ahlak sistemine muvaf\u0131k ya\u015famak, \u0130slami k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve hayat\u0131 canland\u0131rmakt\u0131r.[13]<\/a> \u00a0Burada kimilerince \u0130slamc\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen Said Nursi\u2019nin \u201cDin hayat\u0131n hayat\u0131. Hem nuru hem esas\u0131. \u0130hya-y\u0131 din ile olur \u015fu milletin ihyas\u0131\u201d<\/em><\/strong> s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc hat\u0131rlamak da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn!<\/p>\n \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n genel tan\u0131mlar\u0131ndan sonra bir de k\u0131saca tarihi arkaplan\u0131n\u0131 bakal\u0131m. \u00a0Pop\u00fcler tan\u0131mlar\u0131na benzer mahiyette \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k konseptinin ilk kez \u0130ranl\u0131 alim Cemaleddin Afgani (1839-1897) \u00f6nderli\u011finde M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da ne\u015fet etti\u011fini varsay\u0131yoruz. Afgani\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 d\u00fc\u00e7ar oldu\u011fu fikri, iktisadi ve i\u00e7timai durgunluk sebebiyle son \u00fc\u00e7 as\u0131rd\u0131r Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n arkas\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.[14]<\/a> Bu krizden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n yegane yolu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede intibah ve eylemde ittihatt\u0131r<\/em>. Afgani \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201c\u0130slam tarihindeki inhitat ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kimli\u011findeki kriz, kolonyolizmle ba\u015flar\u201d [15]<\/a>\u00a0 Zamanla aradaki mesafe a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (Yanl\u0131\u015f Giden Neydi) \u00a0\u201cWhat went wrong\u201d sorusu sadece Afgani\u2019yi de\u011fil, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f\u0131 ve sonraki nesilleri de, bizde ilk ku\u015fak Tanzimat ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131, mesela Nam\u0131k Kemal\u2019i, Ziya Pa\u015fa\u2019y\u0131 da \u00a0bir hayli me\u015fgul etmi\u015ftir. Afgani\u2019nin yak\u0131n bir \u00f6\u011frencisi olan\u00a0 Muhammad Abduh (1845-1905) ise \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ate\u015fli bir m\u00fcdafii ve ilk teorisyenlerinden biri olarak kavram\u0131 t\u00fcm \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131na yayma ve bu hususta bir bilin\u00e7 uyand\u0131rma konusunda b\u00fcy\u00fck gayretler sergilemi\u015ftir. Afgani ve Abduh, kolonyolizmi \u201cen b\u00fcy\u00fck felaket\u201d olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinden, hassaten bu soruna \u0130slami \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler arad\u0131lar. Bug\u00fcn de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ideolojisi kimilerince halen bir muhalefet hareketi olarak alg\u0131lanmakta.[16]<\/a> Yeri gelmi\u015fken s\u00f6ylenebilir ki, T\u00fcrkiye \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda da bu r\u00f6van\u015fist damar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015flerin <\/strong>kurucusu M\u0131s\u0131rl\u0131 alim Hasan el Benna, onun takip\u00e7isi Seyyid Kutup ve \u0130ranl\u0131 din alimi Mevdudi, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f doneminde en dikkat \u00e7eken \u0130slamc\u0131 ideologlar\u0131ndand\u0131r. S\u00f6zkonusu m\u00fcsl\u00fcman d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin eserlerinden se\u00e7me terc\u00fcmeler, 1960lardan itibaren \u0130slamc\u0131 ne\u015friyatta yay\u0131mlanmaya ve bilvesile \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ideolojisi de modern anlamlar\u0131yla T\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131nda bir yer edinmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada 1953 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hizbut-Tahrir Hareketi\u2019ni kuran Filistinli \u015eeyh Taiyuddin el Nebhani\u2019yi de anmak gerek. Bug\u00fcn transnasyonel bir Hareket olan Hizbut-Tahrir de, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman milletlerin tek bir halife alt\u0131nda birle\u015fmesi \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc temel gaye edinmi\u015f ve \u0130slami bir devletin elzemiyetini, bunun in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015ftur.[17]<\/a> Di\u011fer yandan Usame bin Ladin\u2019in kurdu\u011fu terorist organizasyon El-Kaide de Cihad\u2019\u0131 bir ideoloji haline getirmi\u015ftir.[18]<\/a> El-Kaide, Bat\u0131\u2019da \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k kavram\u0131yla \u00e7ok s\u0131k birlikte kullan\u0131lmi\u015f ve \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n imaj\u0131na \u00e7ok zarar vermi\u015ftir, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n \u015fiddet ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir din olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftur.[19]<\/a><\/p>\n G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n farkl\u0131 yorumlar\u0131 gibi, farkl\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k tan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131 da gayet tabii. Gelelim konumuza: Fethullah G\u00fclen ve \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa\u2026<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen nev-i \u015fahs\u0131na mahsus biri. S\u00f6z\u00fcnde, sesinde bir s\u0131rad\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131k var. Kendisini dinleyelere, \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir \u0130slami yorum sunuyor; anlatmakla kalm\u0131yor, bu de\u011ferleri bizzat temsil ediyor da. \u00c7ok gen\u00e7 ya\u015flardan beri T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin her yerinde inan\u00e7, ahlak, bilim ve e\u011fitim \u00fczerine yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 vaazlar\u0131, konu\u015fma ve yaz\u0131lar\u0131 ile \u0130slami bir heyecan uyarmay\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131ndaki c\u00f6mertlik duygusunu hareketlendirmeyi ba\u015far\u0131yor. S\u0131rad\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir din g\u00f6revlisi olarak, caminin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor, darbeler aras\u0131nda kendisine istikamet arayan T\u00fcrk gen\u00e7li\u011fine ula\u015f\u0131yor. 1960\u2019larda T\u00fcrkiyenin en sek\u00fcler b\u00f6lgelerinde kahvehanelerde, e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131nda, konferans salonlar\u0131nda halk sohbetleri vererek, daha geni\u015f kesimlere, \u00f6zellikle de d\u00fczenledi\u011fi okuma kamplar\u0131nda ve e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131nda gen\u00e7lere ula\u015f\u0131yor. Onunkisi adeta bir inan\u00e7 seferberli\u011fi\u2026<\/p>\n Hitabeti ile k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede tan\u0131nan ve sayg\u0131n bir isim haline geliyor. 1974\u2019te Manisa\u2019da gen\u00e7leri \u00fcniversiteye haz\u0131rlayan bir dersane a\u00e7\u0131yor. 1977\u2019de Avrupa turuna \u00e7\u0131karak g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc art\u0131yor ve g\u00f6zlemlerde bulunuyor. Mesela, Almanyada ya\u015fayan T\u00fcrklerin kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini ve de\u011felerini muhafaza etmeleri kayd\u0131yla Almanya k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne entegre etmelerinde hi\u00e7 bir sorun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendilerine kucak a\u00e7an imkan sa\u011flayan Almanya\u2019n\u0131n ve \u00fcretken birer vatanda\u015f\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131 sal\u0131kl\u0131yor.\u00a0 Bu tav\u0131r, d\u00f6nemine g\u00f6re olduk\u00e7a yenilik\u00e7i\u2026<\/p>\n Daha \u00f6nce Gurbet Dergisi<\/strong> ve Yeni Asya<\/strong> gazetesinde yazan Fethullah G\u00fclen, 1979\u2019da S\u0131z\u0131nt\u0131 Dergisi<\/strong>\u2019ni yay\u0131ml\u0131yor. 1980 \u0130htilali devletl\u00fcleri, n\u00fcfuzu gittik\u00e7e artan G\u00fclen\u2019i \u00a0rahat b\u0131rakm\u0131yor ve yakla\u015f\u0131k 6 y\u0131l ar\u0131yor. Turgut \u00d6zall\u0131 y\u0131llarda, 1986\u2019da tekrar resmi vaizlik g\u00f6revine d\u00f6nen G\u00fclen, \u00fclkenin S\u00fcleymaniye ve Fatih gibi en b\u00fcy\u00fck camilerinde 1991\u2019e kadar d\u00fczenli vaazlar veriyor. \u00c7evresinde art\u0131k daha geni\u015f halk kitleleri toplan\u0131yor. His y\u00fckl\u00fc vaazlar\u0131nda, a\u011flayan ve a\u011flatan Hocaefendi, takva ehli , Hz. Muhammed\u2019in S\u00fcnnet\u2019ine riayet etme hususunda son derece hassas dindar bir m\u00fcsl\u00fcman olarak temay\u00fcz ediyor.<\/p>\n 1994\u2019te Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n inisiyatifleriyle medyada daha s\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Televizyonlara \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor, gazete ve dergilere sosyal konularda m\u00fclakatlar veriyor. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, G\u00fclen\u2019in gittik\u00e7e b\u00fcy\u00fcyen Hareket\u2019i de daha \u00f6nce yanyana gelmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan her kesimden ayd\u0131n, sanat\u00e7\u0131 ve akademisyeni, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fcn programlar\u0131nda bir araya getirebiliyor. Her \u015feye ra\u011fmen G\u00fclen, 28 \u015eubat s\u00fcrecinin ard\u0131ndan sa\u011fl\u0131k bahanesiyle Amerika\u2019ya gitmek zorunda kalmaktan kurtulam\u0131yor.<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in entelekt\u00fcel geli\u015fimine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, felsefesini herhangi bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin inhisar\u0131nda tutmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendini s\u00fcrekli yenili\u011fe, yeni d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere a\u00e7\u0131k tuttu\u011funu, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ekletik bir seyir takip etti\u011fini g\u00f6rebiliriz. \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin kalb\u00fcr\u00fcst\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerini okudu\u011fu gibi, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f T\u00fcrk ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n onun \u00fczerinde etkilierini g\u00f6rebilmekteyiz. Mehmet Akif, Necip Faz\u0131l, Nurettin Top\u00e7u, Sezai Karako\u00e7 gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, Said Nursi\u2019in G\u00fclen tefekk\u00fcr ve hizmet metodunda en etkili isimlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda geldi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz.[20]<\/a>\u00a0 Onda \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n bayrakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Mevdudi, Ali \u015eeriati, Humeyni gibi m\u00fctefekkirlerden iktibaslar g\u00f6rmeyiz.<\/p>\n \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temellerinde b\u015fr yerellik de g\u00f6zlenen, Anadolu \u0130slami kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 modern us\u00fcllerle derleyen, iyi bir \u201ckompozit\u00f6r\u201d olan G\u00fclen, tefekk\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, kendine mahsus ifade tarz\u0131 ve metodlar\u0131yla bi\u00e7imlendirmi\u015f, yaym\u0131\u015f;\u00a0 k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede kendi cemaatini kurup geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.\u00a0 Etkilendi\u011fi kaynaklara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda onda T\u00fcrk \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 temay\u00fclleri sezilse de G\u00fclen\u2019in \u00f6zellikle 1999\u2019da Amerika\u2019ya gidi\u015fiyle, felsefesindeki bu tezah\u00fcr\u00fcn azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ynelebilir.<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hakk\u0131nda en \u00e7ok konu\u015fulan isimlerden\u2026 O, demorasi, laiklik, modernite, devlet, siyaset, ter\u00f6rizm, Bat\u0131\u2026gibi pek \u00e7ok g\u00fcncel konuda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ve s\u0131kl\u0131kla g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f serdeden dini liderlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda geliyor. Hayat\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri ve Hareket\u2019inin ama\u00e7lar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda her zaman \u00e7e\u015fitli spek\u00fclasyonlar yap\u0131lagelen G\u00fclen, son zamanlarda T\u00fcrkiye siyasetindeki yeri ve icraatlar\u0131yla g\u00fcndemde\u2026<\/p>\n Transnasyonel bir sosyal hareketin kurucu lideri olan G\u00fclen, kendisinin herhangi bir hareketin lideri oldu\u011funu \u0131srarla reddetse ve kendi ismiyle (G\u00fclen cemaati) bir hareketin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtse de, kimilerinin Hizmet Hareketi, kimilerininse Cemaat, Camia, G\u00fclenciler\u2026isimleriyle and\u0131\u011f\u0131 hareketin lideri oldu\u011funda toplumsal bir mutabakat s\u00f6zkonusu. Kendi \u00f6nderli\u011finde de\u011fil, ama d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri etraf\u0131nda bi\u00e7imlenen bir hareketin var oldugunu kabul ediyor ve o, bu hareketi \u201c G\u00f6n\u00fclller Hareketi\u201d olarak adland\u0131rmay\u0131 tercih ediyor. [21]<\/a> Fethullah G\u00fclen bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6zel isimlerle an\u0131lan farkl\u0131 \u0130slami ekoller oldu\u011funu, mesela Kaddafi \u0130slam\u0131, \u0130mam Humeyni \u0130slam\u0131, Ali \u015eeriati \u0130slam\u0131 gibi, bir de ayr\u0131ca G\u00fclen \u0130slam\u0131\u2019na gerek olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyor.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n G\u00fclen, Nurcu gelene\u011finden m\u00fclhem bir saikle de, kendisinin politika d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan, sosyal ve e\u011fitim aktivisti oldu\u011fu hususunda \u0131srarl\u0131.[23]<\/a> \u00a0\u0130slami de\u011ferlerin ve inanc\u0131n siyasalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Richard Penaskovic G\u00fclen felsefesinde be\u015f karakteristik unsurun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7iziyor:<\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n 1) G\u00fclen bug\u00fcn k\u00fcresel bir d\u00fcnyada ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n fark\u0131nda ve bilincinde bir \u0130slami liderdir.<\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/li>\n 2) \u0130slam ve Bat\u0131 aras\u0131nda yanl\u0131\u015f anlama ve anla\u015f\u0131lmalar\u0131n fark\u0131ndal\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirgindir.<\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/li>\n 3) Diyalog ve hassaten de dindarlar aras\u0131 diyalog \u00f6nemlidir.<\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/li>\n 4) A\u015fk ve sevgiyle her kap\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r, her g\u00f6nle girilir.<\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/li>\n 5) \u0130stikbal \u00fcmit doludur.[25]<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n G\u00fclen felsefesinin bu ilkeleri, onun \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k hakk\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini anlamada kuramsal bir perspektif sunabilir. D\u00fcnyay\u0131, Diyar-\u0131 Selam ve Diyar-\u0131 K\u00fcf\u00fcr olarak kategorize edemeyecegimizi savunur. Yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken herkesi kendi konumunda, hi\u00e7 bir \u00f6nyarg\u0131 g\u00fctmeden Kabul etmek, bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde birlikte ya\u015famaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakt\u0131r (peaceful coexistence). [26]<\/a> \u00a0Kimilerinde \u00e7a\u011fdas Mevlana [27]<\/a> \u00a0olarak tavsif edilen G\u00fclen, Do\u011fu ve Bat\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klara ra\u011fmen, ilk etapta benzerliklere odaklan\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n zenginli\u011fi oldu\u011funu belirtir.[28]<\/a><\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen Hocaefendi, kendi hareketindeki ki\u015filerin farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve dinlerden kimselerle evlilikler yapmas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik eder, bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde ortak bir gelecek i\u00e7in bunun faydal\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. K\u00fclt\u00fcrler ve dinler aras\u0131 diyalog etkinliklerini hem ortak bir anlaya\u015f\u0131n temini ve tesisi i\u00e7in hem de \u0130slam\u0131n iyi temsili i\u00e7in elzem g\u00f6r\u00fcr.[29]<\/a> Nitekim kendisi de Roma\u2019y\u0131 ziyaret etmi\u015f ve Papa John Paul ile 1998\u2019de g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Hem T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hem Amerikada ikamet etti\u011fi yerler, her din ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ften y\u00fczlerce ki\u015finin u\u011frak mekan\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in en merkezi faaliyet alan\u0131 e\u011fitimdir. O da \u00fcstad\u0131 Said Nursi gibi \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olarak, cehalet, fakirlik ve ayr\u0131l\u0131k gayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/strong> g\u00f6r\u00fcr.[30]<\/a> \u00a0Bu y\u00fczden, bir egitimci olarak \u00f6nce T\u00fcrkiyeli esnaf\u0131, sonra da d\u00fcnya genelindeki i\u015fadamlar\u0131n\u0131 e\u011fitim ve ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fc merkezleri a\u00e7maya te\u015fvik etmi\u015f, farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve inan\u00e7lar aras\u0131nda e\u011fitimsel k\u00f6pr\u00fcler kurmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Nitekim onun e\u011fitim felsefesi gelenekle modernitenin, din ile bilimin sentezidir.[31]<\/a> Hizmet Hareketi\u2019nin okullar\u0131 dini, geleneksel us\u00fcllerle \u00f6\u011fretmedikleri i\u00e7in \u0130slami okullar kapsam\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu okullar\u0131n program\u0131 dini de\u011ferlerle harmanlanan bir ahlak terbiyesi ve karakter e\u011fitimini temel al\u0131r.<\/p>\n G\u00fclen\u2019e g\u00f6re e\u011fitim, sosyal, ekonomik ve siyasal modernizasyon i\u00e7in, toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in ilk \u015fartt\u0131r; ayn\u0131 zamanda ki\u015fi demokrasi ve insan haklar\u0131na ancak iyi bir e\u011fitim al\u0131rsa sayg\u0131l\u0131 olur ve sahip \u00e7\u0131kar. [32]<\/a> Do\u011frudan \u0130slam \u00f6\u011fretilmese bile G\u00fclen\u2019in siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k yerine bir nevi e\u011fitimsel \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k \u2018educational Islamism,\u2019 ortaya koydu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrenlerler de vard\u0131r.[33]<\/a> Ana hedeflerinden biri Alt\u0131n Nesil yeti\u015ftirmek [34]<\/a> olan G\u00fclen\u2019e g\u00f6re modern insan ayn\u0131 zamanda bilimle dini de\u011ferleri ba\u015far\u0131yla mezcedebilir.<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, menfi bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer. Kom\u00fcnizm, Kapitalizm, Nasyonalizm, Liberalizm, Sek\u00fclarizm gibi ideolojilerle yanyana gelmemeli. Ona g\u00f6re din, kendisinden siyasal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 ve ideoloji istihsal edilmesinden ziyade, bireysel bir hayat tarz\u0131d\u0131r, bir tercihtir.[35]<\/a>\u00a0 Kendisi s\u00fcrekli \u201cpolitik bir h\u0131rs\u0131m olmad\u0131, siyasete hi\u00e7 bir zaman arzu duymad\u0131m; yegane gayem \u00fclkeme hizmettir\u201d[36]<\/a> tavr\u0131 sergilese de, G\u00fclen her zaman siyasiler i\u00e7in bir cazibe merkezi olagelmi\u015ftir. Herhangi bir siyasi partiyi sonuna kadar tasdik etmemi\u015ftir.\u00a0 Denebilir ki, kimi bariz kesintilerle kendisini ve Hareketi\u2019ni maharetle siyasi m\u00fclahazalar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde ve siyasal partilere e\u015fit mesafede tutabilmi\u015ftir. Bununla birlikte, 2010 se\u00e7imlerinde ve referandumda bug\u00fcn \u0130slamc\u0131 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan AKP\u2019yi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a desteklemi\u015ftir. Her ne kadar s\u00f6zkonusu tarihi se\u00e7imlerin \u201c\u00fclkenin istikbali i\u00e7in hayati \u00f6nemde\u2019 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek, Hareketi\u2019ni AKP lehine oy kullanmaya y\u00f6nlendirmi\u015fse de, G\u00fclen sonradan bu deste\u011fi i\u00e7in yanl\u0131\u015f yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, \u201caldand\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131\u201d da s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir. Kendisi politikac\u0131larla olan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine ra\u011fmen \u0131srarla siyaset d\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu y\u00f6nu\u00fcnde mesajlar vermeye itina eder. Bir din adam\u0131 olarak G\u00fclen\u2019in konumu, Osmanl\u0131\u2019daki ulema ile devlet ehli aras\u0131ndaki S\u00fcnni gelenek ile irtibatland\u0131r\u0131labilir. G\u00fclen, devlet kademelerine, kendi \u0130slami anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 benimsemi\u015f, \u00fclkesini seven, i\u015finin ehli, adil ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkan kimselerin tavzifini \u00f6nemseyen Devlet-Ebed-M\u00fcddet\u00e7i bir tav\u0131r i\u00e7indedir. O, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem ba\u015fg\u00f6steren siyasal imkan ve ba\u011flamlar\u0131 pragmatik\u00e7e ele al\u0131r, onlar\u0131 \u00fclke ve Hareketi i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsat olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr, \u00fclkenin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi hassas zamanlar\u0131 (\u00d6zall\u0131 Y\u0131llar, 28 \u015eubat D\u00f6nemi, AKP\u2019nin ilk d\u00f6nemleri) toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm projeleri i\u00e7in f\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131 bir tav\u0131r i\u00e7inde de\u011ferlendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r, Hareket\u2019in faaliyet alanlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli zenginle\u015ftirerek b\u00fcy\u00fcme yoluna gider. Bununla beraber, yetkin b\u015fr din adam\u0131 olmas\u0131na ve siyasilerle ve siyasetle her zaman yak\u0131n m\u00fcnasebetleri olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen G\u00fclen, \u015eeriat\u2019a dayal\u0131 bir devlet ve y\u00f6netim \u015fekli \u00f6nermez; esnek, ileriye bakan ve tecedd\u00fcde a\u00e7\u0131k fikriyat\u0131yla bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130slamc\u0131 portresinden taban tabana ayr\u0131l\u0131r. Onun yaz\u0131 ve vaazlar\u0131nda \u015eeriat\u2019\u0131 promote eden bir s\u00f6ylem yoktur. Pop\u00fcler anlamlar\u0131yla \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k gibi, \u015eeriat da G\u00fclen\u2019in adeta kullanmaktan i\u00e7tinap etti\u011fi, yanyana an\u0131lmamaya \u00f6zen g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi kelimelerdendir. Ona g\u00f6re toplumun siyasi bir \u201c\u015feriat\u201d d\u00fczenine de\u011fil, adalete ve hukuka ihtiyac\u0131 vardir[37]<\/a>. Ne ki, G\u00fclen defalarca bir politik ajandas\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmek zorunda kalsa, dinin siyaseten enstrumanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131ksa da, gerek sek\u00fclerler gerekse devlet i\u00e7indeki kimi gruplarca halen bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmekte.[38]<\/a> Bu kesimler, onun bir takiye yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde \u0131srar etmektedir.[39]<\/a><\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen \u0130slam dini ile modernite aras\u0131nda bir tenak\u00fcz g\u00f6rmemi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrk halk\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse yar\u0131s\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen G\u00fclen, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa Birligi\u2019ne girmesini \u00f6nemseyen ve destekleyen bir dini liderdir. Bunu \u00fclke i\u00e7in bir kazan\u0131m g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Avrupa Birligi kriterlerinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de dini ve etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. G\u00fclen\u2019in esnek g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin T\u00fcrkiye dindarlar\u0131n\u0131n ve \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n \u00fczerinde de gev\u015fetici, rahatlat\u0131c\u0131 roller oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131labilir. Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma bug\u00fcn bile pek \u00e7ok m\u00fcsl\u00fcman lider ve \u0130slamc\u0131 i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sorunsal iken, G\u00fclen Bat\u0131ya, Bat\u0131l\u0131 de\u011ferlere tepkisel bir tav\u0131rdan ziyade pro-aktif bir rol \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. Takip\u00e7ilerine bulunduklar\u0131, faaliyet g\u00f6sterdikleri \u00fclkelerin k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne ve de\u011ferlerine, devletin yasa ve y\u00f6netmeliklerine muvaf\u0131k bir tav\u0131r ve tutum tak\u0131nmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neri<\/p>\n Fethullah G\u00fclen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir millyet\u00e7i ve ulema-ayd\u0131nd\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, \u00f6zellikle 1999\u2019da Amerika\u2019ya gitmesinden itibaren d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi daha evrensel ve entelekt\u00fcel bir perspektif kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kazan\u0131m, onu \u00f6zellikle \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n promote ettikleri d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden daha da uzakla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, daha geni\u015f bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00a0\u00dcmmet\u00e7ilik, \u0130ttihad-\u0131 \u0130slam gibi ideolojileri savunanlar\u0131n s\u00f6ylemlerine benzemeksizin, G\u00fclen, hadd-i zat\u0131nda bir \u0130slam D\u00fcnyas\u0131 dahi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sadece m\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimi co\u011frafyalar oldu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131dad\u0131r. Bu sebeple g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bir \u0130slami birli\u011fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131n pratik bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcndedir. O, m\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u015fu adil olmayan d\u00fcnyada, ancak hakiki (otantik) \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 i\u00e7tenlikle hayatlar\u0131na hayat k\u0131larak bir farkl\u0131l\u0131k yaratabilecekleri g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcndedir. Hizmet Hareketi, k\u00fcresel bir formasyon kazand\u0131k\u00e7a, G\u00fclen\u2019in de \u00fcslub ve s\u00f6yleminde bir geni\u015fleme ve esneklik g\u00f6rebilmekteyiz. Hareketin 1980 ve 1990\u2019lar\u0131na hatta 2000\u2019lerine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran milliyet\u00e7i ve devlet\u00e7i\u00a0 s\u00f6ylem tedricen terkedildi, onun yerine evrensel, \u00e7o\u011fulcu, liberal ve demokratik de\u011ferler daha da \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.[40]<\/a>\u00a0 G\u00fclen, 11 Eyl\u00fcl Olaylar\u0131n\u0131 kendisinin terorizme kar\u015f\u0131 olan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini ifade etmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir firsat olarak de\u011ferlendirdi. Washington Post\u2019ta 21 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019de bu terorist sald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 k\u0131nayan bir mesaj yay\u0131nlad\u0131. Bu mesajda Usame bin Ladin\u2019in \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n imaj\u0131na zarar verdi\u011fini ve bu zarar\u0131n telafisinin de y\u0131llar alabilece\u011fini belirtti. Ayn\u0131 mesajda \u201cGer\u00e7ek M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131n terorist olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bir teroristin de asla m\u00fcsl\u00fcman olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d s\u00f6yledi. [41]<\/a><\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 itibariyle, G\u00fclen Hareketi\u2019nin dini olmayan \u00e7ok say\u0131daki etkinli\u011fine ve faaliyet alan\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u0130slami do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 red etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Hizmet Hareketi, bug\u00fcn toplumsal hayat\u0131 hemen hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u015fubeleriyle kucaklayan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir network…. G\u00fclen tefekk\u00fcr\u00fcne bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise \u0130slam\u0131n bir ki\u015filik ve kimlik meselesi olarak olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yeti\u015ftmi\u015f insane \u00f6nem verildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. G\u00fclen\u2019e g\u00f6re, aslolan insand\u0131r; yenilenen, daha iyi bir m\u00fcmin olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, mevcutla yetinmeyen, \u201cya\u015fatmak i\u00e7in ya\u015fayan\u201d, sadece m\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara de\u011fil, t\u00fcm insanl\u0131\u011fa hizmet eden bir insan. G\u00fclen, ideal bir devlet d\u00fczeni ve siyasal bir proje yerine, \u0130slami ahlakla bezenmis bir kimlik ve ki\u015filik sahibi birey \u00f6nerir. Yaz\u0131lar\u0131 ve vaazlar\u0131nda, Hz. Muhammed\u2019in ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem, asr-\u0131 saadet, o devideki ki\u015filer dine verdikleri \u00f6nem, Allah sevgisi ve korkusu, Peygamber sevgisi gibi bir dizi karekteristk hususiyetleriyle idealize edilerek tekrar be tekrar anlat\u0131l\u0131r. Son tahlilde, G\u00fclen\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u0130slam\u0131n nihai gayesi, bir \u015eeriat devleti kurmak de\u011fil, insan-\u0131 kamil bir bireydir.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n [1]<\/a> Ihsan Yilmaz, \u2018 Pluralism in Turkey,\u2019 Today\u2019s\u00a0 Zaman, June 07, 2012<\/p>\n [2]<\/a> Gilles Kepel, The Prophet and Pharaoh: Muslim Extremists in Egypt (New York: University of California Press,1986),\u00a0 14.<\/p>\n [3]<\/a> Martin Kramer, \u201cComing to Terms: Fundamentalists or Islamists?\u201d \u00a0<\/strong>Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2003, 65-77.<\/p>\n [4]<\/a> Muhammet Cetin,Hizmet: Questions and Answers on the Gulen Movement (New York: Blue DomePress,2012), 176.<\/p>\n [5]<\/a> Mumtazer Turkone, \u201cThe Birth and Death of Islamism\u201d Insight Turkey 14(2012):87-100<\/p>\n [6]<\/a> Yilmaz, \u2018Pluralism in Turkey,\u2019 Today\u2019s\u00a0 Zaman, June 07, 2012<\/p>\n [7]<\/a> Yilmaz, \u2018Pluralism in Turkey,\u2019 Today\u2019s\u00a0 Zaman, June 07, 2012<\/p>\n [8]<\/a> The Middle East Quarterly, December 1999<\/p>\n [9]<\/a> The Middle East Quarterly, December 1999<\/p>\n [10]<\/a> Martin Kramer, \u201cComing to terms: Fundamentalist or Islamist,\u201d Middle East Quarterly (Spring 2003), 65.77.<\/p>\n [11]<\/a> The Middle\u00a0 East Quarterly, December 1999<\/p>\n [12]<\/a> The Middle\u00a0 East Quarterly , December 1999<\/p>\n [13]<\/a> The Middle East Quarterly, December 1999<\/p>\n [14]<\/a> John Voll, Modern Movements in Islam.\u00a0 Edith Kamrama, (London: \u00a0University of California Press,2011) Chapter 12.<\/p>\n [15]<\/a> \u00a0John Esposito, Voices of Resurgent Islam. Edith Esposito (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 5.<\/p>\n [16]<\/a> Turkone, \u201cThe Birth and Death of Islamism\u201d Insight Turkey 14( 2012):87-100<\/p>\n [17]<\/a> Muhammed Ayoob, Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World (University of Michigan Press, 2008), 138.<\/p>\n [18]<\/a> Darko Trifunovic and Jill Starr, Bosnian Model of Al Qaeda Terrorism (Banja Luka, 2002), 41.<\/p>\n [19]<\/a> Muhammed Ayoob, Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World (University of Michigan Press, 2008), 132.<\/p>\n [20]<\/a> Zeki Saritoprak, \u201c Fethullah\u00a0 Gulen and the People of the Book: A Voice from Turkey for Interfaith Dialogue,\u201d The Muslim Word, 95 ( July 2005),329-340.<\/p>\n [21]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, Kirik Testi , ( Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari, 2005), 182.<\/p>\n [22]<\/a> Gulen, Kirik Testi, (Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari,2005), 233<\/p>\n [23]<\/a> Muhammet Cetin,Hizmet: Questions and Answers on the Gulen Movement (New York: Blue DomePress,2012), 124<\/p>\n [24]<\/a> Fethullah\u00a0 Gulen,Gurbet\u00a0 Ufuklari ( Istanbul: Nil\u00a0\u00a0 Yayinlari,2007), 181.<\/p>\n [25]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, Umit Burcu, (Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari, 2010), 275.<\/p>\n [26]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, Umit Burcu ( Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari,2010), 12<\/p>\n [27]<\/a> Jane,Shlubach, Tolerance is Love: Gulen,Ghazali,and Rumi, last modified ,12 November 2005, http:\/\/www.rumiforum.org\/gulen-movement\/tolerance-is-love-guelen-ghazali-and-rumi.html<\/p>\n [28]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, OlumsuzlukIksiri ( Istanbul: 2011,Nil Yayinlari), 164<\/p>\n [29]<\/a> Gulen, Umit Burcu ( Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari,2010), 159<\/p>\n [30]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen,Fikir Atlasi ( Izmir, 2006), 87.<\/p>\n [31]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, Dirilis Cagrisi, (Istanbul: 2010),141.<\/p>\n [32]<\/a> Ebaugh, H.R. Gulen Movement: A Sociological Analysis of a Civic Movement Rooted in Moderate Islam. (New York: Springer,2010), 34<\/p>\n [33]<\/a> Agai B. , The Gulen Movement\u2019s Islamic Ethic of Education. In M.H. Yavuz and J.L. Esposito,eds. Turkish Islam and The Secular State: The Gulen Movement ,( New York: Syracuse University Press,2005), 50.<\/p>\n [34]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen, Dirilis Cagrisi, ( Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari, 2010),37.<\/p>\n [35]<\/a>\u00a0 Fethullah Gulen, Vuslat Mustusu, ( Istanbul: Nil Yayinlari,2009), 93<\/p>\n [36]<\/a> Fethullah Gulen,Sohbet-i Canan ( Istanbul: Nil\u00a0 Yayinlari, 2006), 284.<\/p>\n [37]<\/a> Fethullah\u00a0 Gulen, Dirilis Cagrisi ( Istanbul: NilYayinlari,2008), 211.<\/p>\n [38]<\/a>\u00a0 Muhammet Cetin,Hizmet: Questions and Answers on the Gulen Movement (New York: Blue DomePress,2012), 148<\/p>\n [39]<\/a> Muhammet Cetin,Hizmet: Questions and Answers on the Gulen Movement (New York: Blue DomePress,2012), 140<\/p>\n [40]<\/a> William Park,Fethullah Gulen Movement as a Transnational Phenomenan, Panel at University of London, The Gulen Movement in Redefining Turkey and Anatolian Muslimness, (London: 26,10, 2007)<\/p>\n\n